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Example text

In looking at articulations of zahı¯rok theory via an analysis of zahı¯rok names, the types associated with women are marked as such, and are thus, now, subsumed in a hierarchy that is managed by male performers. A professional male performer (pahlawa¯n) may draw upon a range of types in a public performance, including those named for women’s 24 t h eo ri z i ng t h e lo ca l activities (certain kinds of work) or social-emotional states (widowhood). Women, who presently sing only the specific types of zahı¯rok associated with their status and activities, do not have the opportunity to create a performance by piecing together zahı¯roks that include men’s repertoire.

40 b o di es a nd i ns t ru m en ts While the ideal of the modest and demure woman is conveyed in some of the single-sex dances such as pu¯ja, mixed-gender dances more vividly depict ideals of female submissiveness and subordination. Mixed-gender dances often display women in less powerful positions than they appear in all-female dances and thus tend to more sharply define gender stereotypes of strong, assertive males and graceful, responsive females. uma.

Since that time, with a few exceptions (discussed below), women dancers have not worn ves, but a modified costume that includes some of its elements. iya, a position similar to a deep plié in ballet. The dancer places his feet 32 b o di es a n d i ns t ru m en ts shoulder-width apart, with his bent knees oriented in opposite directions. The arms are held horizontally at shoulder height, with elbows bent at a little more than ninety degrees. The hands are held palms out, inclined downward, with the fingers together and the thumb outstretched, and the head is tilted slightly upward.

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